Voices from the Shadows: North Caucasus Women Expose Abysmal Conditions in Kurdish-Run Syrian Camps

“There are around 2,000 childless women from Dagestan currently residing in the Al-Hawl and Roj camps, which are under Kurdish administration in Syria,” stated L., a Dagestani woman who was recently rescued from the vast detention center in northeastern Syria. “Numerous families with children are also detained there. I cannot provide an exact count, but our living conditions are utterly intolerable,” she shared, requesting anonymity for her safety.

Situated close to the Iraqi border, Al-Hawl was originally intended for Iraqi refugees fleeing the Gulf War, and later the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq. Currently, it accommodates thousands of women and children, many of whom are relatives of Islamic State fighters and are held by Kurdish-led forces.

“Women and children face torture and physical abuse at the hands of the Kurdish authorities,” L. explained. “We are detained without any legal safeguards, under horrific circumstances. Some of us are not merely living in tents but in converted latrines used as cells. Even healthy individuals develop heart issues and contract tuberculosis in these conditions.”

L. is among numerous women classified as connected to the Islamic State (ISIS), the terrorist group that captured significant regions in Syria and Iraq in 2014 and proclaimed a caliphate. Although ISIS still has some presence, its self-declared state collapsed in late 2019 following the battle of Baghuz Fawqani.

In the aftermath, the wives, sisters, and children of ISIS fighters, many of whom are non-nationals, were moved to Kurdish-controlled camps in northeastern Syria.

Exact numbers regarding how many women and children from Russia and occupied territories reside in these camps are unavailable, but a significant portion appear to originate from the North Caucasus. Families imprisoned in these camps report terrifying living conditions and express feelings of abandonment by the international community.

Some children have lived their entire lives in confinement, being born in the camps or brought in as infants during the last stand against ISIS. Others were toddlers at that time and struggle to recall any memories of the group.

“For the past six years, children aged 12 and older have been taken from Al-Hawl and separated from their mothers, effectively placed in facilities designated for minors,” L. disclosed. “The conditions they experience are dreadful. You can only imagine the trauma of being apart from their mothers and siblings. Regardless of her past, a mother remains a mother. Children should not suffer for their parents’ errors.”

According to L., mothers are often uninformed about the whereabouts of their sons. While a few children have been reunited with their families, she described these cases as “manipulative gestures” rather than a sign of systemic change.

“In Roj, this particular practice isn’t present, but even there, Kurdish forces treat children harshly, including toddlers, subjecting them to both physical and emotional abuse. When the media is around, they act kindly. However, once the cameras are gone, their true nature emerges,” she noted.

On social media platforms like Telegram and Facebook, women from the North Caucasus regularly organize campaigns to raise funds for warm clothing and blankets for their incarcerated sons or to bribe Kurdish guards in hopes of securing their release.

“The Chechens have nearly secured the release of all their fellow citizens. There are significantly fewer Chechen families remaining in the camps,” remarked Ansar Dishni, a member of NIYSO, a Chechen independence organization.

He mentioned that his organization regularly receives requests for assistance in gathering money necessary to free individuals.

“There are various groups that pay off guards to release women and children from the camps—if you have the means,” added Ali Charinskiy, a spokesperson for the Independent Dagestan in Ukraine initiative. “It costs roughly $15,000 to release someone. I know this personally because I assisted in the ransom and release of a family from the camp.”

Charinskiy also criticized Russian authorities for driving disenfranchised youth toward Syria in the early years of the conflict.

“Before 2014, the authorities in the North Caucasus were pressuring young Muslims who might resist,” he explained. “The FSB allowed individuals to travel to Syria, taking no measures to prevent families from joining anti-Assad forces or even terrorist organizations. Their objective was to eliminate Muslim youth who could participate in Islamic solidarity or the Dagestani liberation movement. And then Russia intervened in Syria to support Assad, bombing them.”

Dishni supported this perspective, attributing the radicalization of youth to decades of repression by Russian authorities.

“The primary reason was the strict surveillance and persecution by Russian officials. This is what compelled many young families to leave,” he stated.

While Russia played a significant role in creating the conditions that led to these camps, it has made little effort to address the crisis.

Within Russia, the fate of women and children connected to ISIS remains a taboo subject, and even discussions about it can lead to criminal charges.

In July 2024, Russian theater director Zhenya Berkovich and playwright Svetlana Petriychuk received six-year prison sentences for “justifying terrorism” due to their play “Finist, the Brave Falcon,” which narrates the story of Russian women seduced into joining ISIS fighters in Syria. Although the play condemns ISIS, its theme proved too politically sensitive.

Conversely, British author Nussaibah Younis’ 2025 satirical novel “Fundamentally,” centered on a London academic’s attempts to rescue a former ISIS bride from a Syrian camp, became a bestseller and was shortlisted for the Women’s Prize for Fiction.

Additionally, in 2019, Azadeh Moaveni’s “Guest House for Young Widows,” a nonfiction account of thirteen women linked to ISIS, was recognized as one of the year’s best books by The New York Times, The Toronto Star, and The Guardian.

Experts concur that prompt intervention is crucial for deradicalization. The earlier children are removed from such camps, the better their futures. Nonetheless, efforts to facilitate returns remain inconsistent.

While some women and children have returned to the North Caucasus, the process is slow and complicated.

“We only know of a few isolated cases where women who voluntarily returned from the camps faced criminal prosecution,” Dishni from NIYSO noted.

In general, families of former ISIS members in Chechnya and other areas experience little systematic persecution, he explained. Although returnees undergo screening, these measures seldom escalate to persecution.

However, he cautioned that “in Russia, where repressive forces operate outside of legal bounds, no one is genuinely secure.” Even those women returning to Chechnya may encounter intimidation and harassment without obtaining formal charges.

Charinskiy, representing Independent Dagestan in Ukraine, described instances where Dagestani women deported back to their homeland were separated from their children and imprisoned.

“That’s why many women fear returning,” he said.

“Choosing whether to return or stay is an intensely personal decision,” L., the Dagestani woman, commented. “Everyone has their own aspirations and preferences. But at this moment, Syria feels like the safer choice.”

Despite this, numerous women express a desire to return home.

“There’s no universal solution,” Dishni said. “Each situation is distinct. Broader factors—regional dynamics, international policies, and the treatment of returnees—must be considered.”

He added that in some instances, returning adolescents to their extended families in the North Caucasus might provide the most humane and stable path forward.

“The family structure there is founded on mutual support. If these children are surrounded by loved ones, they could find stability, care, and a route to reintegration,” he concluded.

The political dynamics in Syria are also evolving. Since the decline of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, the new Salvation Government led by President Ahmed al-Sharaahas has indicated its intention to release detainees from Kurdish camps and has reportedly commenced negotiations with Kurdish forces—though no tangible progress has been made.

L. expressed that conditions have deteriorated under Kurdish administration, which is now evading responsibility.

“With the emergence of new authorities, we hope for the development of more transparent and legal mechanisms to rescue the women and children trapped in these camps,” Dishni commented. “We anticipate that competent entities within the new Syrian government will establish pathways for their release and ensure their protection.”

“I am certain the new government is preoccupied with other pressing matters, which is why the women and children from Roj and Al-Hawl are not a priority. The Kurds perceive them as bargaining chips,” Charinskiy remarked. “It’s unfortunate, but I hold hope that this will change.”