Kazakhstan Navigates the Shadows of Russian Influence in World War II Commemorations

Kazakhstan hosted an impressive military parade to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the Allied victory in World War II as well as Defenders of the Fatherland Day.

“The Great Patriotic War posed a significant challenge for all humanity, including Kazakhstan. Those daunting times demonstrated that war leads only to grief and loss, whereas peace is an invaluable asset,” President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev stated on Wednesday while addressing thousands at the parade.

“Our country will hold the Batyrlarğa tağzym [‘Tribute to Heroes’ in Kazakh] march, which honors Kazakhstani soldiers from the front lines. Descendants of those who fought in one of the deadliest conflicts in history will carry their portraits through the streets,” he added.

Similar to other Central Asian nations that fought during World War II under the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan officially observes Victory Day on May 9. However, this year’s anniversary parade was scheduled in advance to allow President Tokayev to participate in the significant events occurring in Moscow later in the week.

“Since 2022, Tokayev has regularly joined Victory Day celebrations in Red Square, much like other leaders from Central Asia. This matter holds great significance for him,” remarked Temur Umarov, an analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

“Central Asian leaders recognize that Victory Day is a crucial holiday for Putin’s perspective, and declining an invitation would be seen as a personal affront,” Umarov noted.

This instance is just one demonstration of Russia’s considerable influence over Victory Day celebrations in Kazakhstan.

Interestingly, the decision to organize a military parade ahead of the holiday raised fewer public concerns than the Batyrlarğa tağzym march, which is intended to mirror the Russia-promoted Immortal Regiment.

The Immortal Regiment originated from a grassroots initiative, first held in Tomsk, Siberia, in 2012, but was quickly appropriated by Russian authorities and transformed into a global event.

Initially intended to allow the descendants of deceased veterans to connect with their family legacies through symbolic marches, critics argue that the Kremlin’s takeover of the event has turned it into a propaganda instrument, inflating Russia’s role in defeating Nazi Germany and promoting narratives of imperial ambition.

A significant point of debate is the widespread use of the orange-and-black St. George ribbons at Immortal Regiment events globally.

While recognized by Russia as a sign of victory in World War II, the ribbon has been uniformly associated with pro-Russian sentiment in Ukraine since the early days of the conflict in 2014 and is now linked to symbols supporting Russia’s full-scale invasion.

In Central Asia and the Caucasus, the ribbon has been emblematic of Russia’s colonial expansion prior to the invasion of Ukraine, having been worn to honor Imperial Russian soldiers for their conquests.

This year, many local authorities in Kazakhstan prohibited Immortal Regiment marches, citing a lack of adequate public spaces, or chose to move the event online.

The announcement of this ban led to a surge of deepfake videos featuring public officials and notable journalists encouraging participation in the marches despite the official prohibition and potential arrests.

“It appears that Russian propaganda is in a state of desperation since no one is willing to attend their gathering,” said prominent journalist Asem Zhapisheva, who appeared in one of the AI-generated videos.

“Just to clarify: May 9 is not a holiday for me, but rather a day of remembrance. Yes, I have lost family members in World War II—four of them. But I didn’t invite anyone to a celebration for enthusiasts of the striped ribbon — it’s really not that significant,” she remarked in a Telegram post.

Following pressure from local veterans’ groups, authorities in Almaty, Kazakhstan’s largest city, ultimately sanctioned the Batyrlarğa tağzym rally.

A similar event will also be held in Semey, a city in northeast Kazakhstan.

Kazakh activist Zharkyn Kurentaev suggests that the authorities’ decision to conduct an equivalent of the Immortal Regiment could be perceived as a response to prior events like Lavrov’s critiques of Tokayev and Putin’s calls.

“It might be that the authorities opted to organize [the rally] in light of recent actions. This was, I remind you, Lavrov’s criticism of Tokayev and Putin’s summons,” Kurentaev told U.S.-funded broadcaster Current Time. “From a diplomatic standpoint, it’s significant.”

Analyst Umarov posits that relationships with Russia were not the central consideration in this decision.

“Russia indeed interprets any moves by Central Asian nations to reassess shared holidays and values as attempts to distance themselves or even break away from it,” Umarov explained to The Moscow Times.

“However, Central Asia is not attempting to signal anything to Moscow by approving or banning Immortal Regiment events. This reflects more of a domestic political concern and a desire for social stability,” Umarov added, referencing neighboring Kyrgyzstan, where the Immortal Regiment will be conducted with governmental approval.

Efforts to reshape World War II commemorations in Kazakhstan align closely with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. That year, authorities first proposed renaming the Immortal Regiment event and adopting a blue ribbon with Kazakh embellishments as its official symbol. Nevertheless, the St. George’s ribbon was still commonly seen at that year’s observances.

Bota Sharipzhan, an activist with the civil rights movement Oyan, Qazaqstan!, asserts that “only a small contingent” of the population in Kazakhstan has begun to view the May 9 observance in a different light since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

“Many still perceive the ‘Great Patriotic War’ and the conflict in Ukraine as ideologically distinct battles. For a large number, it is not clear that Russian fascism accompanies victory-mania,” Sharipzhan told The Moscow Times. “I know individuals opposed to the war in Ukraine who still partake in May 9 events, carrying their grandfather’s portrait.”

Approximately 178,000 Kazakhs were serving in the Red Army at the onset of World War II, with an additional 1.2 million drafted as the war progressed. Over 600,000 draftees—or 11.2% of Kazakhstan’s population at the time—lost their lives in the conflict.

Sharipzhan acknowledges that globally recognized Russian songs from the World War II era, such as “Smuglyanka” and “Katyusha,” alongside movies and tales of Kazakh heroes like Bauyrzhan Momyshuly, Aliya Moldagulova, and Manshuk Mametova, formed the foundation of several generations of Kazakhs’ upbringing.

“I still find it hard to envision how we could change May 9 from a ‘celebration’ to a ‘day of mourning’ in Kazakhstan,” Sharipzhan stated.

“If May 9 is to be commemorated at all, it should be done without parades: simply laying flowers at the Eternal Flame, sharing stories about our relatives who fought in the war on social media, and discussing the devastating impact of World War II on us would suffice,” she concluded.